After the wave of reprisals and «Stolypin ties», and actually gallows which were not practically applied in Ukraine against peasants' revolts, after convocation and dispersals of the State Empire Dumas, from 1908 till 1914, the order was established. But, there were two historical episodes in the history of Ukraine-Russia which consequences could lead to the huge disorders. It is a question of two murders which occurred in Kyiv - murderof Stolypin and Kyiv grammar-school boy Yushinsky. If murder of the first one amazed all Russian Empire, the second one- impressed all Russian international society.
Andrey Jushinsky's murder or Beylis affair was transformed into the all-Russian litigation on the charge of Jew Menahem Mendel Beylis in the ritual murder of the 13-year-old pupil of a preparatory class of Kyiv-Sofia spiritual school of Andrey Yushchinsky on March, 12th, 1911 which could result in an unrestrained wave of the Jewish pogroms about all Russian Empire, and in Ukraine-Ruthenia - in general everywhere. It is known, that the government of Stolypin held that business under the control. And Beylis justification became moral defeat of the Russian government which was seriously compromised.
The whole mass of negotiations of Central Rada management in Petrograd and Provisional government management in Kyiv (even arrival of Kerensky and Tsereteli (don't confuse to the sculptor) solved nothing in the question of autonomy of Ukraine as a part of the Russian republic where everyone already became the citizens ... and didn't resulted to anything, after all it is necessary not to forget the fact, that Central Rada couldn't be a parliament for that simple reason, that nobody selected it... The only one that was selected was the presidium of Central Rada, which chairman was Grushevsky, and two assistants - Vinnichenko and Efremov. Already after the failure of negotiations the first Ukrainian government in which structure there were: Vinnichenko, Petlyura, Martos, Sadovsky and Steshenko (socialist-revolutionaries and Marxists), Khristyuk and Stasyuk (socialist-revolutionaries -populists) and public representative Baranovsky.
Petrograd, Moscow and Kyiv apprehended the events of October, 1917 absolutely ambiguously. Today there is much information in school textbooks and treatises what and in what manner it was made for the establishment of the government system in Ukraine, therefore to give historical disclosing of the given theme, I consider unessesary to give historical disclosure of the given theme, but, in my opinion, it's worth to open some "forgotten" secrets. Neither the first, nor the second Universal of Central Rada appeals to the separation of Ukraine. As the example, concerning «a question of independence» the famous authority of all Ukrainian movement Mikhail Grushevsky on the First Congress of Ukrainians (which nowadays is held more as the congress of foreign Ukrainians or, more precisely, the World congress of Ukrainians) noticed, that: «Ukrainians have no intention to tear off Ukraine from Russia. If they had such intention - they would act sincerely and openly with such slogan. After all they would not risk anything». And only after the events which occurred on a small metric run between Smolny and Zimniy, the most active movement «from Moscow to most suburbs» began.
Today historians try ostensibly to present us the true photos, on which the historic facts of the statehood development of that time are embodied. I will give a small, but very concrete example, to be exact two photos.
But the essence is that everyone waited for an outcome. Kyiv at that time gradually turned to the armed camp in which each party concentrated the forces near the centres: the Staff of the District, the Central Rada and also the Arsenal - citadels of Bolsheviks. The patrols were walking along the city, they were Ukrainian, junker-officer and Bolshevist, and sometimes they arrested each other, but didn't join the huge battles. Then still million Kyiv hid with fear waited, how it would come to an end (please, remind of «Days of Turbines»).
And that was so throughout all period of power transition from Rada, to the Directory, further to Hetmanship, then again to Directory, further to Makhnovschina, then, to division of republic on two parts, with the further division to the whole set. Perhaps it is necessary for our politicians to sit at the school desk and instead of rally acts, to hear some lessons on the history.
The reader, judge yourself. On November, 20th 1917 UNR in the Third Universal declares creation of independent the Ukrainian state, but in the independent-regulated field with Russia. The fourth Universal already on January, 22nd 1918 proclaimed the full independence, and on 9th of February it signs the Brest peace treaty and the end of the war, in which Ukraine did not participate as the independent state.
Today ones don't like to recollect the conclusion of the Brest peace treaty, both in Russia, and so in Ukraine. For Russia it was the shame of the nation and refusal from victorious end of the war, for Ukraine - refusal from possible acquisition of independence. That befell Poland, Czechoslovakia, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (the future Yugoslavia, and now, on the contrary), Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. But there are places where they remember a shame of Brest-Litovsk, but also remember the names of heroes. One of these places is Lukyanovsk memorial on which the last commander-in-chief of the Russian army Nikolay Nikolaevich Duhonin was buried.
Only Poland was the unique country which recognized the Directory-UNR after Petlyura's government officially refused the rights on Lviv and all Galicia. In April 1920 Petlyura concluded even the military alliance with Poland. But already on April, 26th the Red Armies (USSR and RSFSR) took (or, somehow), released Kyiv. And again the war came. Then it was under the direction of the «malicious genius of international revolution» Trotsky with Poland (by the way, he is also our "native, because he came from the present Kirovograd region). The ending is known. After the «miracle on Vistula» not so Workers' and Peasants' of Red Army, but Polish bourgeois-gentlemen, decided the destiny of Ukraine, and Kyiv. But, at last, March of 1921 came. Riga contract was concluded and a new republic with the western borders on the river Zbruch. But, all those years, i.e. from March, 18th, 1921 till August, 22nd, 1992, at the first in Poland, and then (after September of 1939) the government of UNR lived and worked in exile. And only on August, 22nd on the threshold of the first anniversary of definitive independence, the President of UNR in exile Nikolay Plavyuk passed the «Reading and writing to board» to the President of Ukraine Leonid Kravchuk on behalf of the government UNR, being in exile. There was the destiny of Central Rada, general Secretary of UNR, Hetmanate of the Ukrainian State and the Directory. And that was happening during three years ...
Apparently, the given map doesn't need the comments. Now we'll pass to the question of the unity day of Ukraine or to the «Act of Zluka». The wish of two Ukrainian lands association with the Ukrainian people was apprehended on the highest spirit rise. Both politicians, and officials, and those simple people who suddenly became the citizens, sincerely went to the present Sofia area of Kyiv to tell at the monument to Bogdan Khmelnitsky- we want to be together. It was so, indeed. But, not absolutely in such manner, as it is presented to us. Kyiv was not the "Capital" of two Ukrainian associations and two republics, i.e. UNR and ZUNR, but for that time the small district town Fastov, where in the carriage of Vinnichenko train the contract on reunion was signed, and the mass action for which our capital is famous today was held in Kyiv.
And this is the map, on which the Directory-UNR pretended to.
It's necessary not to forget about such factor, as the Galitsk-Austrian influence, both on soldiers, so on politicians. Today the instructions of Vienna that «introduction of Galitsk influences on affairs and thoughts of Kyiv should lead to definitive branch of Podkarpatsky and Zakarpatye Russia, and the whole Ukraine from Russia» are not the secrets any more. As the number of historians don't wish to recollect the «marching orders», but nevertheless it is necessary, and apparently, not «the hand of Petrograd» is guilty in the split, but absolutely another capital.
And if the first divisions of Army UNR consisted of Ukrainian soldiers and officers, spare regiments and a part of the arrived from front, in due course, there would be divisions of "SS". The reader, don't be frightened. It is a question of not those «SS members», but about «Sich Riflemen». So, almost all supervising posts in groups of «Sich Riflemen» were occupied by natives of Galicia.
I have resulted these or that facts only for that they wouldn't speak about only UNR and ZUNR existence on open spaces of Ukraine and that about DKR (Donetsko-Krivorozhsk republic ), in order that our children and grandsons remember about Odessa republic and Crimean. Then there will be a full truth of history (even, relative).
It was 1919, the power had been still searched in Ukraine. It is being searched even today ... (From the archives of Kamenets-Podolsk museum).
Really, the conversations on the state form in Ukraine had been conducting for all those three years, which basic characters were Grushevsky, Vinnichenko, Skoropadsky and Petlyura.
Vladimir Vinnichenko, as the first prime minister of UNR was close to UNR creating, even in that format in what the republic was. But his environment, and in due course former «dear friends», destroyed even that could appear on political arena ...
Vinnichenko's universal which remained on the paper, in the direct and figurative sense.
the financial life of UNR. As it is known, since the First Universal the necessity of independent or federal creation of UNR had been declared. And, though a number of historians are not agree with me, but the variant with UNFR (the Ukrainian national federal republic) was considered very seriously. And from the history of the world development it is also known that independence of the country arises only when its economy and financial system is independent.
Today in the markets of «far olden time» it is possible to see many banknotes of UNR, as grivnas, so karbovantsy.
Very seldomt it is possible to see the denomination face value in 100 Karbovanets of UNR of the end of 1917.
This banknote is interesting that it had just been released by the day of UNFR creation, and its text support was been designated in four languages: Ukrainian, Russian, Polish and Yiddish languages. There is such forgotten history.
As well as Karbovantsy of DKR.
There is something else that I would rather wish to note, concerning the theme of that time. Today the young generation of our power doesn't really esteems the Soviet period films, but among them there are also that films, which are actual even today. I'm speaking about the film «Wedding in Malinovka», directed by Andrey Tutyshkin and produced under the operetta with the same name of Boris Aleksandrov in which, in the funny tone, but, unfortunately, with truth elements, it is said that the power had changed and whoever comes, they would plunder...
Krasko Mahno with Dybenko and the father.
And that is an ominous order of Tyutyunnik.
There is also one more feature connected from the times of civil war and intervention (it's necessary not to forget about occupations of Kyiv, Odessa, Sevastopol, Crimea ...) and gangsterism - that was the suffering of the peace population from every possible requisitions. Today it is told with ecstasy about the so-called actions of Red Guards groups and Special Forces on peasants' de-kulakization and taking away the grain surplus that was really terrible. But that wasn't the "know-how" of the new power, but the idea, still embodied by Peter Skoropadsky. In the document of July, 15th 1918 which had been presented, for first time, on the general review, it was accurately told (translated from Ukrainian) that: «persons, who evade from voluntary delivery of bread, are exposed to requisition». So the history hadn't yet thought up anything new.
Then the bread was taken away, and after...
Some words about the notorious problem of language which in those days, came out on the struggle foreground. The undertaken by Rada steps to "Ukrainization" of schools, court and administrative agencies didn't find the population's response. Numerous protests fell down, the abhorrence to the Ukrainization in the majority of population was defined, both in the cities, so in villages, especially in the right banks. Kyiv Vladimir University, Polytechnic institute, Spiritual Academy, representatives of court and city administrations, the municipal dumas of almost all cities of Podneprovsky Ukraine and numerous self-justices in the villages protested. When in Kyiv, under the request of Central Rada, it was declared about the opening of grammar school with Ukrainian language training and the pupils' registration, among the million population of Kyiv there was more than hundreds of them, wishing to win admission to the grammar school, that is recognized by Ukrainian historians, explaining it as the result of violent russification. But it is necessary to remember that Kyiv in those first months of revolution was quickly filled with Galitsk-Ukrainian citizens. Their part made the way from Austro-Hungary through the front which had already started to decay, the part arrived from the prisoner-of-war camps ("the kind" Provisional government released everyone: political criminals, prisoners of war who received the definition as «baby birds Kerensky»), and also from the moving places of Galitsk refugees, sent in the first months of war of adherents of Austro-Hungary and the Polish autonomy received the general designation». So the Austrian colonel Miller and the captain of the Austro-Hungarian Ukrainian Cossacks Konovalets found themselves in Kyiv. Both Miller, and Pilsudsky served in one regiment ... those Galitsk Ukrainians considering themselves an elite of the Ukrainian culture, pressed by the «word and body» on appeared on the crest of revolutionary wave, young men-socialists and neogenic intelligency demanded an immediate Ukrainization of all life, certainly, only under their instructions and management. By the way, even in our Kotlyarevsky's native purely Ukrainian language and Shevchenko, the Galitsk words of the type «militiamen» appeared. The wide circles of the population didn't feel them friendly and treated them watchfulness and even hostile. But aggressiveness of Galitsk people, in connection with ambition and thirst of the power of yesterday's students, small employees and semiintellectuals, did their business - Central Rada quickly extended, expanded and deepened its power and the language in Ukraine, as well as it is necessary by «fire and a sword».
The instructions of the Central Rada, and then Directory-UNR, obliged to learn at schools exclusively Ukrainian language but the document of that time testifies how it occurred, and, if to get a grasp attentively, it had the elements of « Galitsk pronunciation - spelling», again as the type of «provincial».
Having continued the theme of the beginning of fatal twentieth years, I would like to say some words about that military-fighting episode of the «Second Ukrainian Ruins» times, which today is on hearing from "young to old", namely, about the fight under Kruty. Today this place became an original Mecca for the young soldiers of Armed forces of Ukraine, but it became more significant for the leaders of «orange revolution». At once there comes a question, what this fight is famous for and what actually it is.
Memorial under Kruty
The given battle or the armed conflict occurred on January, 29th (on January, 16th according to the old style) of 1918 at the railway station about the settlement Kruty on 130 kilometers from Kyiv. Then, and nowadays it is Chernigov area. The given battle or again, the armed conflict occurred between Mikhail Muravyev's group of socialist-revolutionary (instead of the communist-Bolshevik) and the group of UNR Army, sent towards to coming ones for the «protection of approaches to Kyiv». Despite the importance of the event there is no authentic description of it. There are various versions of the parties, and these versions are inconsistent. According to the data as historians, so Wikipedia in the morning on January, 16th the group of the Baltic sailors of red guards unexpectedly got under the fire of cadets and Kyiv students, supported by the gun-fire. The fight was fastened not in favor of the defending side i.e. the student-junkers group. Some time later the defending part receded and the advancement of the coming ones had been stopped by preliminary disassembled iron-road ways (the interesting fact that till now there is no answer that disassembled rails). In connection with the started strong blizzard the part of Kyiv group of UNR Army was grasped and shot. There is an information about eight wounded defending people, who in due course, were sent in Kharkov where nobody became interested in them, and they disappeared from hospitals where they were arranged on treatment. According to the military historian Yaroslav Tinchenko, the main expert in Kruty, 420 persons participated in fights from outside UNR Armies: 250 officers and cadets of 1st Ukrainian military school, 118 students and grammar-school boys from 1st hundreds of Student's kuren, about 50 local free Cossacks, basically, the former officers and volunteers. That day only some people were lost, and the others, carrying away the bodies of their companions, receded to echelons and left to Kyiv. And only one platoon from student's hundred as a part of 34 persons was taken prisoner by their own oversight. Six of them were wounded; one was the son of the machinist mobilized by coming ones. All were got in the train and sent to Kharkov (subsequently they would be rescued from the captivity). 27 of the remained persons at station were shot.
As to quantity of victims from the defending party, except mythical «three hundred Spartans» of Grushevsky the different figures were named. So, Doroshenko resulted the list of names of the lost 11 students though he said that some of them had been lost earlier, besides 27 captured which were included into the prospecting group that departed to Kruty, when the red army had seized the station were shot. In 1958 in Munich and New York in the publishing house «Shliah molodі» the results of S.Zbarazhsky's 40-year-old research were printed. At 40-unniversary of the great rank January 29, 1918 - January 29, 1958» (some historians used the data of Soldatenko, Timchenko and Wikipedia so "zealously" that in the literal sense they repeat the same error, naming the last date, as January, 29th 1956). In the list there were named 18 persons. The losses of attacking soldiers probably were too, but the death-roll is not established yet.
The estimations of this fight are various accordingly. The truth is only that politicians from the power threw boys under the bullets and where the vaunted «Sich Reflemen» and the heroes of Lvov were? Yes, the young men who didn't have time to smell of gunpowder on the fronts of the First World War in the sincere impulse of Kyiv protection came out on their last fight. Their youthful maximalism with a rifle in their hands as then so today is skillfully used in the ambitions of certain political forces.
I won't be engaged in the controversy, but I will simply result the events estimations of those days contemporaries and historians of our days. That is how the former chairman of the general secretary of Central Rada of UNR Dmitry Doroshenko (by the way, he was the great-great-grandson of Doroshenko and Natalia Goncharova's relative whose words should be trusted) describes these events: «When from the side of Bahmacha and Chernigov Bolshevist echelons moved to Kyiv, the government couldn't send any military unit for the repulse. Then they hastily gathered the group from students and grammar-school boys of the senior classes and threw them, literally, on the slaughter, towards perfectly armed and numerous forces of Bolsheviks. Unfortunate youth was taken to the station of Kruty and landed them on "positions". When the young men (who in their majority had never controled over the guns) fearlessly opposed approaching Bolshevist groups, their heads, the group of officers, remained in the train and arranged the wine party in the carriages; Bolsheviks without effort broke the group of the youth and sent it to the station. Having seen the danger, those who were in the train, hastened to give the signal for departure, they didn't stay for any minute to grasp the running ones ... The way to Kyiv was absolutely opened then».
Estimations of the contemporaries.
1. In the contemporary Ukraine it has already became the custom in the end of January of each year to draw the public attention to the episode which happened at the height of the revolutionary crisis, - the fight under Kruty. It seems that it is possible to recreate for certain picture of that actually occurred almost for nine decades (the nine and one year has already passed) and, eventually, unbiased, to qualify both actually episode, and much wider problem with which it (this episode) covers extremely boldly.
2. However the fight under Kruty, obviously, concerns to those phenomena round which the vital true, its amazing transformation to please the politics and tactical use of hardly issued as a result of the palliative made up a bundle initially.
3. Having got the certain inertial self-sufficiency, in the Ukrainian historiography the event under Kruty received the hypertrophied estimations, acquired myths, and began to be equated to the well- known feat of Spartans near Fermopily, all 300 young men, among them 250 students and grammar-school boys more often began to be called as the victims. In the absence of other vivid examples of national consciousness and sacrifice display, all address more actively to this event, realising the educational actions, especially in the environment of youth.
The given photo is presented as the funeral of Kruty heroes.
The map of the Ukrainian socialist Soviet republic before entering the USSR. As it seen from the map, Taganrog and Shahtinsky district are still the part of Ukraine.
Notwithstanding they say today, from the moment of USSR creation and Ukraine entering in it, the life, as they say, began to improve. The New Economic Policy and introduction of new managing methods in the state economy brought its results. Considering «numerous workers' wishes» in July, 1924 Taganrog and Shahtinsky districts were passed in the structure of RSFSR, and southern areas of present Kherson were the part of Ukraine. In October, 1925 according to the decision of the Central Electoral Committee of the USSR «About the settlement of Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic borders with RSFSR and Belarus Soviet Socialist Republic» the demarcation of allied borders was only two years later, however, the modern politicians of sister republics have been not being able to do it during eighteen years. The cultural life of the country also improved. In the areas with the prevailing Ukrainian population, not only schools, but also all establishments «worked in the Russian mode», at the same time Russian language was absolutely equal in the dialogue and office-work, and in the south and the east - it was the core. Actually, in the first years after the civil war and intervention, the Soviet localization policy (i.e. considering of the Ukrainian indigenous population opinion) led to the increase of the Ukrainian schools, technical schools, factory schools, technical training college prototypes) and, certainly, high schools. The Soviet Ukrainian power pursued the policy under the slogan «national under the form, Soviet under the maintenance». However in the late twenties the management of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks changed the general policy, the Communist Party of Ukraine undergone to the cleaning because of the «nationalist bias». The alignment of the "language barrier» began, therefore the Ukrainian language became "cores" on the left coast of Dnepr, i.e. in northern sector, and Russian language on the right and in the south accordingly. And the reason is not only in the decisions of the «party and the government», but in the fact that the country, policy and the language were common.
In general, the boundary of 20 - 30th years was shaking, from the point of view of shocks for all people of the USSR, and not only Ukraine. With the New Economic Policy termination, the searches of "the first wreckers party" began, that poured out in the affair of Industrial party, which basic dismantling, were held on Donbas.
The events of 1932-1933 united in one word "Holodomor" became another grief and tragedy of the USSR people, particularly of the European parts. It is unpleasant for me to see, how some politicians, who are absolutely far from the history, classify this event and give the estimation to it. What else we can be speak about if in 1934 the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (with all responsibility declared that the hunger became the tragedy of the people of east and southern Ukraine, Volga region, Northern Caucasus, and some areas of Kazakhstan. And it is senselessly to argue about this theme, at least, because the archival documents testify:
There were and there are more terrible documents on the facts of self-courts and anthropophagism. There was in the history, and the people's tragedy is not to be thrown out. Another thing, whether it was a genocide or not.
It is compelled to result the small legal inquiry, concerning the definition of the genocide term. So, according to the official treatment the genocide (the term includes the Greek word - "sort" and the Latin word "I kill") is nothing but, the actions made with intention to destroy in full or partly any national, ethnic, racial or religious group by means of: murders of this group members; causings of damage to their health; violent hindrance to the child-bearing; compulsory transfer of children; or another creation of the vital conditions, calculated on physical destruction of this group members.
Concerning the last definition today there are a lot of disputes and interpretations. It's dangerous to say unequivocally that there was a concrete adjustment on the destruction of the Ukrainian people, as from the ethical point of views so from the standard-legal side. After all there are no documents particularly specifying on such actions, both concerning Ukraine, regions of the Russian Federation and areas of Kazakhstan.
Therefore, silly and criminally to deny the facts that took place, but the historians (the real historians ...) should understand and give the historical-legal estimation to this question. Also it is necessary to notice that 30th years became rather inconsistent period in the history of Ukraine in which such scale heteropolar events, as de-kulakization, collectivization, Holodomor and industrialization, Stalin reprisals and creation the largest industrial and centers of science occurred in Ukraine. All of that have been, and all is already our history, which we should not only know, but to remember, and to take on «political arms» as the latest events in Ukraine show.
Dnepr hydro-electric power station and the Belomor-channel. The company is crash, and its price is 5 kopecks ...
There were all: Ukrainians, Byelorussians, Russians, Tadjiks, Georgians, and Jews, briefly, it is an instruction, being the reminder for us.
That is also necessary to remember
That is also the history which is impossible to forget
Terror and reprisals of 30th years in the «full amount» spread about the territory of Ukraine, as the result many Ukrainian politicians, writers and representatives of creative intelligency were destroyed. Today these names are famous, but many places of their last rest are still unknown. I would like to give one more interesting example.
In 1933 the famous Ukrainian poet-humorist Ostap Vyshnya, his real name was Pavlo Gubenko, was condemned for the creation of the terrorist group, which purpose was Postyshev's murder, the secretary of Central Committee Communist Party of Ukraine, as the Holodomor's organizer according to the group opinion. All received ten years; from 1933 to 1943 he was serving time in jail for «9 to 5». That was also the history, terrible and gloomy.
1934 became the year of the beginning of the new reprisals which "catalyst" was the murder of Kirov. But there was also one more fact, i.e. carrying over the capital of Ukraine from Kharkov to Kyiv, and that event took place in 1934 on June, 23rd. With what such decision was connected? All the matter that in Ukraine, still «two Ukraines» and «two capitals», remained namely: both the left and the right-bank part and Kyiv - as the historical and cultural capital, and Kharkov - as the administrative-industrial. The decision was justified from the point of view of return to primordial pearls of Russia; in addition, the desire of the Soviet government to reduce the republic Ukrainization was visible. It is difficult to answer the question what was more there, but, in my opinion, Kiev had the profit from it, as it proves to be true today. Well, concerning the new-old capital, I wish to notice that as of 1936 in my fine ancient Kyiv there was a lot of everything - from the Ukrainian schools to the Jewish theatres.
Today this is the building of the Cabinet of Ukraine, and some time ago it was the building of ominous People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs of USSR.
At that time in the Western Ukraine which, mostly, was as the part of Poland, the policy of Polonization was carried out, the national oppression amplified, and the mass "sedentism" of retired Polish military men in eastern voivodeship, i.e. primordially West Ukrainian took place. The lifting of the nationalist movement which at once accepted violent forms became the answer to it. With Juzef Pilsudsky's coming to power as a result of revolution in Poland of 1926, on the eastern, i.e. «suburban» lands the authoritative mode, which is known as «sanitation» was established. The political opposition was pursued by legal means and force methods. In relation to the national minorities the policy of «cultural suppression» which in autumn of 1930, after numerous provocations and acts of terrorism of the Ukrainian nationalist organizations concerning the Polish population, outgrew in mass reprisals against the Ukrainian population of Galicia and Volhynia was spent. Divisions of the Polish police and army entered more than 800 villages, more than two thousand persons were arrested, the Ukrainian organizations were liquidated, and half-thousand houses were burnt out. The Ukrainian pogroms from outside the Polish chauvinistic groupings became component. Things came to such a pitch that in 1932 the League of the Nations condemned actions of the Polish government in relation to the Ukrainian population.
Even the American newspapers of the Ukrainian diaspora didn't disregard such state of affairs.
It is also necessary to recollect that the former Podkarpatsky Russia, and during that period, independent Carpathian Ukraine being the part of Czechoslovakia, as a result of the Munich arrangement and Czechoslovakia division was grasped in 1939 by Hungary.
1939 came. It was the year of reunion and beginning of the century war. The same time the Soviet Union, Ukraine and Belarus together with it, came out on the new borders which should have been protected. To protect by «all world, all people and all country».
The photo from the exhibition «The Second World War Posters» which exposition is exposed in the National museum of history of the Great Patriotic War.